All entrances leading to Mokattam Hill were closed. The battle moved to the top, more specifically to the seat of government. The Muslim Brotherhood tried to defend itself using its conventional methods, summoning the ‘muscles foundation’, but it failed to quell the raging anger, which was making its way to the top.

All entrances leading to Mokattam Hill were closed. The battle moved to the top, more specifically to the seat of government. The Muslim Brotherhood tried to defend itself using its conventional methods, summoning the ‘muscles foundation’, but it failed to quell the raging anger, which was making its way to the top.

In the beginning, anger was merely expressed by graffiti defaming the prestige of Egypt’s secret rulers. They were unbecoming signs marring the Brotherhood’s concept about the “Commander of the Faithful” who enjoyed luxurious prestige, and in defense thereof there was no problem to resort to the holy violence.

The use of violence to confront graffitists was a shameful act, even for street gangs, where the battle knew no limits or rules, and was only required to leave a mark.

Whoever assaults unarmed civilians is not considered victorious, and whoever slaps a woman cannot be counted a macho hero. These rules will be eliminated whenever violence slides into bullying, or uncontrollable riots, whose perpetrators have been raised within fascist-like organizations.

The invincible castle standing in the Mokattam’s central block is an embodiment of the fantasy inherent in Hassan al-Banna’s followers for 84 years. Besieged with anger, the Brotherhood’s headquarters represents “the fantasy’s body” through which the Brotherhood has seen itself, since the time when their leader toured Egypt’s villages, in search of those interested in “ending Islam alienation”. He promised to give them a membership identity and a virtual castle to protect themselves. He promised them a life free of sins or lapses since all of these were committed on the orders of those who enjoy the right of being obeyed and revered.

According to the Brotherhood, the revolution is a bridge whereby the virtual becomes a reality. The castle stands at the highest point in the capital, thus enhancing cohesion, the greatest goal of the Brotherhood, at least in the last forty years.

A member of the Brotherhood is no more than a customer. Customers are bribed to give the Brotherhood a despotism license.

According to the Brotherhood, society is not composed of citizens or individuals, or even a respected public, which has the right to partake in the nifty game of power; rather, it merely consists of customers.

Judged by mercantile mentality, customers are right, only during elections or mobilization.

Take a thorough look at the relationship between the Brotherhood organization and its members, and think about those who broke away from it at the stage of youth, rather than those who defected in later years and are trying in every possible way to keep defectors’ charm.

A Brotherhood member does not shake off his Brotherhood identity at a certain age, because it turns into a family relationship, and to abandon it is never an easy matter, since he will always be more fanatic than the Brotherhood themselves. Defectors’ narratives are centered on ‘purity’ that is no longer there and on estrangement from Hassan al-Banna’s concepts.

A defector of this kind is likely to stick to the Brotherhood conceptions more fervently after defection, simply because his remaining life no longer enables him to fight the struggle of yester years once again, so he will always be enchanted by the defection charm, searching for the lost pure ideas. The Brotherhood’s innate nature living within a defector’s mind is often more dangerous than a dormant member lying in the organization’s castle.

Those aware enough to destroy the whole concept will disclose the nature of the relationship between the organization and its membership. They are clients of the “faithful vanguards” who have already booked a ticket to heaven, as a guarantee for afterlife judgment, in addition to a social status that makes up for their lack of distinctiveness, notwithstanding their ability to maintain seriousness.

Social status extends to cover assumed employment and ensured work, in addition to the feeling of religious superiority over all others.

The struggle for defending the organization has been the strongest act by the Brotherhood. It is a war that perpetuated the organization, but made it more inclined to serve a particular clientele, especially after the emergence of an organized Salafist structures before the revolution, motivated by the state security service, and after the revolution, as an allied group that sometimes seems more dangerous than the enemy itself.

The war to defend the customers is one aspect of the great confusion of the Brotherhood’s rule, because it falls under the calculations of the president who is consciously performing his assigned role as the Brotherhood’s delegate at the Presidential Palace and he has to send his clientele a reassuring message that all is fine.