It seems a symbol rather than a mere request to conduct political analysis, or mere comments on the policy of President Morsi’s administration. It is the symbol of worry dominating Egypt, making weeks the unit in which political time is measured.  Everything is expected since law is absent and has been replaced by compromises behind closed doors. That which floats on the surface is nothing but a front the secret hierarchy is hiding behind.

It seems a symbol rather than a mere request to conduct political analysis, or mere comments on the policy of President Morsi’s administration. It is the symbol of worry dominating Egypt, making weeks the unit in which political time is measured.  Everything is expected since law is absent and has been replaced by compromises behind closed doors. That which floats on the surface is nothing but a front the secret hierarchy is hiding behind.

Worry is on the rise as the entrenched hierarchy intends but its ability to connect the joints of an organization based on the supposed alienation of its membership having received an education, that sees in life a test of the ability to achieve utopia, that the more you abide by the catalogue included in Hassan al-Banna’s letters, the more you approach it. As those residing behind this virtual fence are surprised that life is not restricted to the organization, and that they are mere machines repeating the same registered speeches in archives, how can they rule a politically, historically, geographically, and humanly complex state like Egypt?

What can they do in this regard since they are trained to be electoral creatures waiting for ballot box seasons?

They only want to rule; however, this will has been leading them since Morsi won the elections to arbitrary destruction of the disobedient public institutions, or those that obey, provided that their interests are maintained.

Being the biggest loser in terms of results, the judiciary was the first institution to defend the profession against the attack of the ruling Brotherhood; the Supreme Constitutional Court was destroyed (by including many articles in the constitution) as a punishment for its decision, depriving the Brotherhood of the parliament “gain”; and the “public prosecutor” position, the most critical in an authoritarian regime, was seized.

On the other hand, the revolutionary spirit and search for the meaning seemed motivating to other sectors that resisted the Brotherhood’s attack. While the young people of the public prosecution were more encountering and threatening to the domination of the president-appointed public prosecutor, older people’s reaction seemed more similar to the conservative nature marking the judiciary; the Constitutional Court judges did not take the risk of confronting the presidency after Morsi’s supporters cordoned off the court. Additionally, hesitation dominated the administrative courts, pending the conflict to be settled for fear of the tyrannical grip.

The victories of this grip burden the ruling Brotherhood; the more it is involved in destruction of public institutions, the more difficult it is for this war against institutions to be short or limited. It is a war that stirs up what could be described as the “profession” defense, which has been a feature of the revolution hanging around in society since the 25^th of January, 2011. Since Mubarak fell down from the top of the hegemonic state, the ability of any individual, however powerful he is, to maintain this hegemony has become questionable; what in turn awakens a self-defense instinct after the destruction of the dictator, the destroyer of all selves who assimilated them in his own great self.

Though at a low level, this happens in the security institution where the notion “we no longer pay others’ bills” is common among police officers who have been facing social and existential crises since their great escape on January 28, 2011. They are now at a crossroads, from which the instinct of profession defense leaks as the last hope in the face of the pressure put by the Brotherhood and its delegate to the presidency in order to restore police as a completely suppressive apparatus.

This conflict of “profession” is the main reason behind Minister Ahmed Gamal El-Din’s deposition. This was the first action expressing the awareness of profession defense, as the minister was not only an associate of the circle of Habib el-Adly, Mubarak’s Minister of Interior, but also charged with participating in the killing revolutionists in the first battle of Muhammad Mahmud.

The deposed minister aimed, under pressure, at a different professional approach; he asked for orders in writing and preferred neutrality regarding the conflict between the authority and the protestors. The killing of “Jika” in Muhammad Mahmud’s second clashes was the breakpoint that affected the minister and pushed him towards “bureaucracy” rather than “total merging with the authority”. The police in the Presidential Palace clashes had the role of the “watcher”, or that of the “cold neutrality component,” which viewed the presidency as one party of the conflict.

This change is not completely revolutionary; however, it worries the Brotherhood, which wants to occupy Mubarak’s positions, govern the country and practice a suppression scheme in which the opposition will always seem marginalized, or the police will be controlled by the presidency to turn it into a tool of ruling.

Hence, Morsi is fighting two wars that are interrelated by his and the Brotherhood’s fear. They can but to go on to survive, and perhaps to push the revolution forward and the revolution on the other hand can but to push the Brotherhood in order to complete its chance to the end. The Brotherhood’s maintaining of power completes the revolution and destroys the bases of the network upon which the tyranny is founded, with the collapse of the state institutions before the ruler.

Such existence in power is a very important cause to politicize the public sphere and strengthen the society mechanisms defending the gains of the modern state instead of waiting for the authoritarian institutions to defend them as was the case in the last 60 years. It is a moment when hope and despair mix in a very painful way that makes the future depend on both adventure and gambling.