“National dialogue” is the big title which carries with it mechanisms, arrangements and consensus that are still subject to differences, pull and push strategies and maneuvers between the political actors in Tunisia. These factors are behind the delay in finalizing the first step towards the launch of the national dialogue, i.e. towards sitting around the same table.

“National dialogue” is the big title which carries with it mechanisms, arrangements and consensus that are still subject to differences, pull and push strategies and maneuvers between the political actors in Tunisia. These factors are behind the delay in finalizing the first step towards the launch of the national dialogue, i.e. towards sitting around the same table.

With this prevailing scene, those concerned with the political affairs in Tunisia are talking about a national dialogue crisis in addition to other problems affecting the key political, economic, and social and security life. They believe that resolving the issue of the national dialogue and pushing it towards progress will serve as a locomotive that will drag behind it other vehicles.

In this context, the General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT), supported by the Tunisian League for the Defense of Human Rights (LTDH), the Lawyers’ Association and the Tunisian Union of Industry and Commerce UTICA, with all of its weight is acting as a sponsor of the national dialogue.

Despite all smear campaigns and the questions raised on its impartiality, its role and its function, the UGTT was able to make advanced steps in the direction of starting the national dialogue, which might kick off this week or early next week.

The national dialogue crisis is a real one and is not factitious. Its root causes is the absence of real dialogue amongst the different political parties both before the January 14 revolution and after it. However, its direct causes date back to the rigid attitudes of the ruling coalition parties, especially the Ennahda Movement on how to find a way out of the current crisis in Tunisia.

Political detente begins with accepting the resignation of the current government and the formation of a competencies’ government with the task of preparing an election environment based on equal opportunities for all parties in preparation for the upcoming elections. This requires the review of appointments and ranks in key state institutions made by the Ali Larayedh government, because the opposition considers that the people appointed in high-ranking positions are loyal to the Ennahda Movement.

At this particular point, the Ennahda Movement is still maneuvering and it still refuses to clearly accept this step. It sometimes uses the “electoral legitimacy” slogan and in other times it uses the slogan that it wants to “prevent the country from entering into a state of chaos and the unknown.” In many occasions, it uses the “divine order” slogans that it shall not hand over power except to an elected government, as announced by Abdelkarim Harouni, the Transport Minister at a meeting in the Elmenhaliya suburb west of the Tunisian capital, the beginning of this week.

The reality is that titles such as “legitimacy”, “chaos” and the “divine order” voiced by the Ennahda Movement hide behind the other facts:

  • The Ennahda Movement refuses to hand over power after experiencing the meaning of being in power, its privileges and its impact.
  • The Ennahda Movement is unable to determine the repercussions of handing over power on its internal situation and on its general situation as a movement. 
  • The Ennahda Movement is not convinced that the economic and social crisis in Tunisia is a serious crisis. It still considers what is going on as difficulties that confront any transitional phase. It even goes further and says that the opposition and the UGTT bear most of the responsibility for the crisis.

If we examine the statements issued by the Ennahda Movement on its acceptance of the road map put forward by the four sponsors of the national dialogue and which was presented by the UGTT, we find that there is nothing that confirms that the Ennahda Movement has actually accepted the initiative:

  • The statement issued on the September 17 by the Ennahda Movement reads as follows: We initially made a number of reservations on a number of points. We are going to study them within the troika and we will let the quartet and the public know where we stand within a few days. (In this statement there is nothing that indicates that Ennahda has accepted the initiative. There is only a mention of reservations).
  • The statement issued on September 19 by the troika reads as follows: “We stress our keenness in making the dialogue succeed by expediting the finalization of the constituent path, reaching consensus on government options, and the conduction of fair and transparent elections as soon as possible.” (This assertion is very general and has nothing to do with the details of the road map put forward by the quartet).
  • The statement issued on September 19 by the coalition for the successful completion of the democratic process in Tunisia (Ennahda Movement had signed this statement) contained objections on the roadmap and described it of arbitrariness.
  • The statement issued on September 20 by the Ennhada Movement in which it said that it accepts the initiative, but the roadmap which it has put forward is different than the roadmap prepared by the quartet.
  • The statement issued on September 27, and which was signed by Rashid Ghannouchi confirming his acceptance of the quartet initiative and his intentions to allow it to succeed.
  • The statement issued on September 28 by the prime ministry, denying news of government intentions to resign when the national dialogue starts. This is inconsistent with the road map drawn up by the organizations that are sponsoring the dialogue.

Despite the optimism expressed by some parties about the start of the national dialogue, this optimism will remain limited if the Ennahda Movement does not re-evaluate the reality of the crisis in Tunisia and if it does not abandon its maneuvering policy and its attempts to gain time. The differences between Ennahda and other political actors in assessing the seriousness of the crisis is the focal point in the existing national dialogue crisis in Tunisia.