Some call for the cancellation of 2011 election results and a dissolution of the ruling coalition, led by the Ennahda Movement, and new elections. On the other side, the Ennahda Movement is calling for the expansion of the government and preservation of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) as a pillar of the democratic system which the Tunisian people have chosen.

Some call for the cancellation of 2011 election results and a dissolution of the ruling coalition, led by the Ennahda Movement, and new elections. On the other side, the Ennahda Movement is calling for the expansion of the government and preservation of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) as a pillar of the democratic system which the Tunisian people have chosen.

With such contradicting positions, there have been initiatives launched to help the country overcome the current crisis. The problem?  The initiatives have nothing in common.  The gap between the different parties in Tunisia is getting bigger and there is no horizon for a solution to the country’s impasse.

Correspondents met with Mongi El-Rahoui, a leading member of the Popular Front and a former member of the NCA, who recently withdrew from the assembly. El-Rahoui discusses the political consensus reached, the initiative of the General Union of Tunisian Workers, the future of the political and security situation in Tunisia and the performance and position of the ruling coalition.

Q: Why did you withdraw from the NCA, despite the fact that the Popular Front has announced that the ruling coalition has lost its legitimacy since the assassination of Chokri Belaid?

There is no doubt that the Troika government has lost its legitimacy since the assassination of Comrade Chokri Belaid. We were of the opinion that if we withdrew, our withdrawal would have loud echoes if it is accompanied by a high revolutionary wave.  I had insinuated many times that I might withdraw if it were in the best interests of the country. 

The government has crossed all red lines and adopted the logic of partisan quotas and spoils.  I consider that my resignation decision has come at the right time, as the government is incapable of administrating power. 

Q: Is the ‘Leave Sit-in’ a means to pressure the government and to mobilize the masses or is it the start of a confrontation with the supporters of the Ennahda Movement on the civil nature of the state? 

The aim of the ‘Leave Sit-in’ is to overthrow the government and dissolve the National Constituent Assembly (NCA). The withdrawal of MPs is aimed at supporting the people’s will and to avoid dragging the country into violence. It is also to protect the achievements of freedom. 

Q: How do you interpret the decision taken by Mustapha Ben Jaafar, the president of the Constituent Assembly, on the suspension of work of the Council and the stances of the Ennahda Movement, who described this decision as an internal coup?

The decision of Mustapha Ben Jaafar should be interpreted with lots of caution given that the level of trust between us is almost equal to zero.  The aim of this decision is to absorb public outrage and the wave of tension sweeping the country and push all parties towards dialogue.  We are confident that dialogue will take place sooner or later, but dialogue in itself is not important.  The real importance lies in the solutions provided by this dialogue. 

We are not interested in this dialogue. With regard to the Constituent Assembly, we consider that any dialogue related to it is useless.  The best thing is to reach agreement on mechanisms for its dissolution.

Regarding the stances of the Ennahda MPs, it is clear that there is a state of confusion within the party itself.  The decision to suspend the work of the National Constituent Assembly is just one indication on this confusion.  So far, four different stances were announced by the ruling coalition on this suspension and this is a good reflection of the state of divide and the absence of consensus among its members.

Q: Is the polar opposite support for the two camps an indication that the Egyptian scenario could be repeated in Tunisia? 

In the Egyptian scenario, the army sided with the people’s will.  Here I want to stress that our struggle is a democratic, peaceful and civil struggle. We want our army and our security forces to hold on to their stances and to protect the safety of citizens and private as well as public property. 

The streets are now dominated by the people because the ruling coalition has lost its credibility and is faced with unprecedented diminishing popularity.  Our central slogans remain: No fear, no horror, the power belongs to the people. Our central aim is to complete the march towards freedom.

Q: What do you think about the initiatives made to provide solutions to the political and economic crisis, such as the General Union of Tunisian Workers’ (GUTW) initiative?

The Ennahda Movement is pretending to be coherent and solid.  However, it is clear that it has collapsed and it is only manoeuvring in an attempt to gain some time.  In regard to the General Union’s initiatives, we believe that there are many similarities with regard to the method of forming the national salvation government. But we believe that the NCA should be dissolved, while the Union believes that the solution lies in the postponement of the implementation.

I believe that the meeting that recently took place between Hussein Abbasi, the secretary general of the Union and Rached al-Ghannouchi, the leader of the Ennahda Movement, did not lead to any progress.  This is an indication that the crisis will continue.

Q: How do you see the future of the security situation in Tunisia in light of the growing wave of violence, terrorism and political assassinations?

With the growing phenomenon of violence, terrorism and political assassination, Tunisia cannot benefit from an appropriate security situation.  The solution to the problem, as we have already said, is through the formation of a national salvation government which gathers qualified people and which has the courage to solve the outstanding problems. This should of course be accompanied by the dissolution of the NCA, led by the Ennahda Movement, which has proven its inability to find practical solutions to lead the country to peace and security.

Q: What is your interpretation of the Ministry of the Interior’s (MoI) stance regarding the latest developments in the case of Chokri Belaid?

We did not feel that it is a positive outcome. First of all, the official responsible for the internal police enquiry is still frequently visiting the headquarters of the prime minister.  Second, the new information on the extent to which the groups that were behind the assassination of Mohamed Brahmi are connected with those who are behind the assassination of Chokri Belaid is just a security manoeuvre by the government to get out of trouble.  The government did not give any real information on who implemented the assassination and those who did the logistics and preparations for the execution. We will not forget the February 6 (ED: the date in 2013 when Belaid was killed) fire. 

In your opinion, who stands behind the ‘invisible hand’ of assassinations in Tunisia?

There is no invisible hand and I personally do not tend to interpret things with conspiracy theories.  Contrary to its claims, the ruling party is benefiting from the political assassinations and thus it bears the moral and political responsibility for what is going on.