With the approach of the second anniversary of the February 17 revolution and amidst the government’s preparations to secure the celebrations, independent activists have called for demonstrations to “correct the revolutionary course”— appeals that have been marred by much ambiguity, confusion and conflicting goals.
No specific party supports this movement, which will begin on Friday, February 15 to express its demands; rather, it is positions of unorganized groups and independents constituting a wide and diverse segment of the Libyan people.
With the approach of the second anniversary of the February 17 revolution and amidst the government’s preparations to secure the celebrations, independent activists have called for demonstrations to “correct the revolutionary course”— appeals that have been marred by much ambiguity, confusion and conflicting goals.
No specific party supports this movement, which will begin on Friday, February 15 to express its demands; rather, it is positions of unorganized groups and independents constituting a wide and diverse segment of the Libyan people.
Some of these calls are limited to correcting the performance of both the General National Congress (GNC) and the government while others demand the application of a federal system. The strictest demand has called for the overthrow of both.
In a memo sent to the GNC chairman – leaked via social networking sites – GNC Vice-Chairman and lawyer Juma’a Atiqa, criticized the performance of Mohammed Magariaf—GNC President— accusing him of appropriating powers and diverging from the revolutionary course.
A representative of Misurata and a former political prisoner who survived the famous Abu Salim Prison massacre in 1996 Juma’a Atiqa does not fear protests on February 15 but insists that toppling the GNC would amount to treason.
Dr. Ataiga, do you consider yourself responsible, even indirectly, for the calls for the “correct the course” revolution, a term you have been recently using in your statements?
No! I do not know specific groups or figures demanding this movement. There are a number of appeals with different demands. Some only submit their demands to the GNC as proposals, while others demand even the toppling of the GNC, but there is one clear indicator in all relevant discussions, a case of discontent with the GNC’s performance— the general conditions and what has been achieved since the revolution.
If assessed objectively, this case is of course due to prevailing generalization, lack of the understanding of the nature of the transitional phase and people’s attempts to shorten the stages, which is impossible. The experience should take as much time as necessary.
This does not mean preventing criticism and correction; on the contrary, the greater we correct, the quicker we shorten stages, but without canceling them or expecting miracles. We are still at the beginning of a difficult phase full of challenges.
I believe this is normal since this is a revolution and a complete shift. No one expected what was achieved in a year and a half after the liberation, especially in the absence of experience, institutions and minimal configuration of the state, as well as the country’s devastation during the liberation stage.
Are you worried about what might happen on February 15?
Not at all. And I ask those who say they will stage a new revolution: Against whom is this revolution?
Committing mistakes or having no experience does not require a new revolution to oust the GNC and the government. It is easier to find a legitimate alternative that meets the people’s demands. The GNC members are not inaccessible in Bab al-Azizia. The attack on the GNC and storming its sessions are not new and happen every day.
The overthrow of the GNC without a legitimate alternative is a crime against the people’s will, whatever the number of those who claim leading this movement is. We have to return to the people and their opinion and to find legitimate, democratic channels that replace the GNC they want to topple, but just overthrowing it without a legitimate alternative is a crime and a high treason.
What is your position vis-à-vis the demonstrators’ demands and how could they be met, especially since attempts have been repeated and have taken a long time without a real response from competent authorities?
Demands are many; some are logical while others are not, and some are legitimate while others are not. However, democracy opens the door for people to make all kinds of demands, but meeting them needs logical and legislative methods of addressing.
I actually disagree with you regarding time measurements, and I think people are in a hurry. Unfortunately, citizens have not yet recognized their duties and they only demand their rights, whereas they should be a positive factor contributing to building the state.
Citizens do their duty when they respect traffic lights, do not assault others, do not steal money, do not vandalize state-owned buildings and do not accept being paid without actually working. Those who act like this may not claim to be rebels or reformers or demand that their desires are met promptly.
Unfortunately, this is a result of the dependency culture implanted by the former regime, where all people relied on the state to support them n. The former regime gave them crumbs and suppressed them, because it was not interested in building the state and established but this mentality which still prevails, regrettably.
In the GNC session when the Local Government Act was passed, it was leaked that Prime Minister Ali Zeidan threatened the GNC by resorting to street if the amendment submitted by his government was not approved. How do you comment?
I do not really agree with such positions. Resorting to the street will create a new dictatorship called the street dictatorship.
He raised the subject at the GNC as a competent authority, and we studied it and found that the approval would create problems because an elected municipal council – as Zeidan’s government wants – would not have respect for the appointed council chief.
With all due respect to this view, it may create disruptions, and with all due respect to Zeidan, we should think over the Libyan situation.
As a former political prisoner, are you satisfied with the prison situation in Libya today?
The prison situation in Libya is very bad. Since the liberation war, we have been facing an unnatural situation. Many prisoners were arrested in some areas during clashes and put in prisons whose conditions violate human rights.
The size of the crimes committed by the former regime also made the reactions extreme, sometimes to the extent of revenge. This created many violations and abuses which are criticized by us as human rights activists and by international organizations. We are now strongly pushing to correct this situation because it is very dangerous.
As a son of Misurata, what about the Tawergha issue? How long will this stubbornness in refusing the return of people to their homes continue?
The issue is linked to how successful we are in the enforcement of transitional justice rules. The GNC now is about to pass a law named “Transitional Justice Act.” Its passing however was disrupted when the GNC hall was stormed by the wounded and amputees who staged a sit-in and are still occupying the hall and hinder the agenda and the sessions.
When passed, this law will organize all of these issues in Tawergha and elsewhere. Its provisions regulate the issues of justice, accountability, reparations, and national reconciliation, because these steps cannot be overridden and any reconciliation attempts without passing this integrated system will lead but to exacerbated situation and perhaps new reprisals.
Tawerghans are undoubtedly entitled to return, and any assault or discrimination against them violates all charters and ethics. However, we should not address a problem with another problem. It is necessary to examine the steps and prosecute the offenders who have violated the victims’ honor, home or dignity. Facts should be revealed so that all Libyans publically know exactly what happened.
