Ali Sultan is a former security chief who held the post of the General Secretary of the Internal Security Forces Union in Gafsa (350 kilometers southwest of Tunis) for 21 years before he was removed from office after the revolution.

After the uprising two years ago, Sultan hoped that Tunisia would have a “republic security” but the elected authority was quick to remove him from office last September, along with a group of security leaders.

Mr. Sultan, why has the administration removed you from office?

Ali Sultan is a former security chief who held the post of the General Secretary of the Internal Security Forces Union in Gafsa (350 kilometers southwest of Tunis) for 21 years before he was removed from office after the revolution.

After the uprising two years ago, Sultan hoped that Tunisia would have a “republic security” but the elected authority was quick to remove him from office last September, along with a group of security leaders.

Mr. Sultan, why has the administration removed you from office?

Nothing has changed since the 14^th of January. The political police still acts as it pleases, fabricating charges in collaboration with the corrupt security leadership. Regrettably, the revolution has not purified the Ministry of Interior.

When in office in Gafsa, I worked on the restoration of security, which is attested by the people of Gafsa, especially during the tribalism events – exchanged acts of violence among tribes – witnessed by governorate cities like Sened, Métlaoui and Mdhila, where we denounced the security policy adopted during these events. Since then, charges like those made against Ben Ali’s opponents have been fabricated in succession.

The drop that made the bucket overflow was our stance against some financial violations committed by security officers in the region, especially their seizing of the subsidy allocated for the ration of the policemen, on the occasion of securing the electoral process in Gafsa, estimated at 26,000 Tunisian Dinars (more than USD$16,000); the policemen got crumbs. When I was referred to the Discipline Council, its members were corrupt security leaders, and eventually the removal decision was issued.

So nothing has changed in the security system since the revolution?

The change has been made to the head of the ministry only. The moving of a corrupt official from one department to another or from one city to another does not reform the security system; the instructions and the fight against crime are the same.

The plague of smuggling has been exacerbated, and with it, the prices of many foodstuffs have risen and purchasing power has declined. This is why we see this ebullition in the Tunisian street. Unfortunately, the instructions issued to policemen to deal with protests are the same because the field and administrative commanders are almost the same.

Recently, Siliana has witnessed bloody events leading to the use of shotguns to disperse protestors. Would you have chosen the same approach had you been in office?

It is unfortunate that since the 14^th of January we have seen a Tunisian policeman aim at the chest of his Tunisian brother. After all, policemen should protect citizens and their arms should only be used to protect the country.

Some security leaders in Siliana unfortunately, say that using shotguns is the last solution and is better than using live bullets. This however would either kill or blind citizens, which is eventually the same result.

The security forces in Siliana did not use water cannons and the field leaderships did not dialogue with the protestors. If using shotguns was necessary, why aim at the face?

Even the pretext they have provided that many of the young protestors were bending to pick up stones and throw them at the security officers when those fired from shotguns is not true. Logically, the hit should be at the top of the head rather than in the face. Furthermore, the security leadership should have built barricades and taken all precautions to prevent direct contact with the protestors, especially since the social movement did not take place suddenly but gradually, which should have prompted the leadership to take all necessary actions.

What are your visions regarding the reform of the security system?

Lack of equipment and the mentality of policemen (chasing and resorting to violence) are the same as before. Training places, trainers and teaching materials have not changed. Not a single sociology or psychology teacher, man of law or human rights association has lectured in training schools. Moreover, the training period has been reduced to no more than six months, at the end of which a fresh policeman is ordered to disperse a demonstration, which will certainly lead to violations.

I believe the reform of the security system should go through three basic stages: the first stage requires securing equipment to protect citizens and policemen, changing the mentality of policemen through a daily framing, and removing all corrupt security leaderships with a history of oppression and violation against public freedoms, as well as all those who held a post for two consecutive years under Ben Ali, whether a regional security chief, a department head, a region manager, a regiment commander, etc.

During the second stage, training methods should be changed and improved, and policemen should have a one-year internship after they complete theoretical training and before they actually start working. Moreover, training supervising bodies should hold training courses abroad.

During the third stage, special lessons should be included in the curricula of secondary schools and when any student joins security forces, he/she should understand that a policeman’s job is to fight crime rather than hit citizens. A police academy should be established in all the governorates so that at least 10 years later, all the policemen working in the current system would be changed.

Since you were present during the uprising of the mining basin (protests that took place in Southwestern Tunisia in 2008), do you have any relevant information or details?

I had the honor to refuse participation in those events. There are many things I cannot disclose; however, all I can say is that the field and administrative commanders at the time were involved and it is not difficult to recognize them. I remember that they were the same commanders who supervised the suppression of all protesting movements like the uprising of Kerkennah sailors, the uprising of Ben Gardane merchants and the events of Jebiniana.

There is another subject that is still of interest to citizens, namely the file of snipers. Are there snipers in Tunisia?

Yes, we have sniper teams: one in the police and another one in the army, in addition to the team of the intervention units.

What is the difference between a police sniper and an army sniper? Is a professional sniper allowed to use his weapon on anyone?

A police sniper can choose his target very well, while an army sniper uses his weapon in the field of war where he does not have a good opportunity to aim precisely.

I am confident that a professional sniper would use his weapon but for a noble cause, and the only persons to determine whether or not these teams were used during the revolution are the Minister of Interior and field commanders who can identify the party, which shot the revolutionary martyrs. Here I would like to suggest that the longer the period of death, the more difficult the determination of the type of the bullets used. Officials should have resorted to foreign experts to reveal who used arms, in order to close this file once and for all. In almost all countries, a professional sniper generally uses 7.62 mm caliber bullets.