Since the revolution last February, which toppled both the state and the regime, Libya has been unstable. And the elite of Libya, two years after the fall of Gaddafi’s regime, has not identified the country’s political or economic identity; in other words, its future.
In a scene like this one, there is no difference between dictatorship and democracy and their effect on media. Some red lines have vanished, only to be replaced by others: armed groups, religious ideologies, cities above criticism and a political capital with new political accounts.
Since the revolution last February, which toppled both the state and the regime, Libya has been unstable. And the elite of Libya, two years after the fall of Gaddafi’s regime, has not identified the country’s political or economic identity; in other words, its future.
In a scene like this one, there is no difference between dictatorship and democracy and their effect on media. Some red lines have vanished, only to be replaced by others: armed groups, religious ideologies, cities above criticism and a political capital with new political accounts.
The new system
Some observers say that media in Libya has yet to take its first steps and specify its direction since it still has not adopted a clearly defined political and economic system. They believe media is part of a space of integrated features and visions, giving the example of Scandinavian countries, whose social and democratic system ensures the freedom of having access to information and constitutionally and legally protects journalism and media institutions; hence, these countries occupy the first ranks in the reports of non-governmental organizations concerned with freedom of media.
Thus, those observers believe that talking about a Libyan media with its own literature is still early in light of a transitional period whose major feature is disagreement about a new social contract that frames the post-revolutionary era.
Professionalism at stake
For 42 years, the Libyan media had been an official one par excellence and the regime had monopolized all sorts of media outlets, so Libyan media men had been deprived of the slightest possibility of development or even creativity.
Suddenly, after the regime fell down, journalists and media men discovered they had been isolated from what had been happening around them in the world. Most figures of Gaddafi’s media system are no longer able to appear in the media, in a revolutionary reality whose social rebuking language is inclined to violence more than anything else. Consequently, new media outlets, on the top of which is television, have been forced to open doors for new yet unprofessional young people.
Ideologization of media
Since the early days of the revolution, the Libyan media was divided, especially TV channels, between liberal and Islamic. ‘Libya Alhura’ channel, which broadcasts from Benghazi, is almost the mouthpiece of the Islamic current, including the Libyan ‘Muslim Brotherhood’, while the programs of ‘Libya TV for the free’, which broadcasts from Qatar, show the figures of the liberal current, or those who were leftists and turned to liberals after the fall of the advocacy of the left.
In spite of claiming the openness to everyone and its unveiled female announcers, Libya TV channel is closer to the Islamic current than to liberals. Ali Salabi, a well-known Libyan Islamic intellectual, is a major supporter.
The street has not paid attention to ‘Libya Al-Wataniya’ channel until now, except when it broadcasts a session of the General National Conference or interviews a senior official, because, as some say, it has neither taste nor color. Moreover, its workers complain about the poor funding and attention by the government.
‘Al-Assema’ channel, which speaks for the National Front Alliance (NFA) led by Mahmoud Jibril, is controversial because it publishes a lot of rumors for which they have been sued. In addition, its editorial policy raises other doubts among some Libyan media-persons. For example, its news ticker shows excerpts of opinion pieces of some authors, in line with its general orientation supporting NFA.
‘Libya Awalan’ channel, which is backed by the Libyan millionaire, Hosni Tatnaki, has lost popularity among much of its audience, after the failure of considering eastern Libya as federal within a federal political system, where the channel supported the federal project and highlighted its figures through many programs.
City media
Soon after the toppling of Gaddafi’s regime, TV channels speaking for some Libyan cities appeared, most notably Misrata, which President Obama described, in the onslaught as a “medieval siege”.
Reportedly, media always follows capital, and since a significant amount of the Libyan money exists in Misrata—well known for its passion for trade— it was no surprise that Misrata was one of the early Libyan cities that launched TV channels like ‘Misrata’ and ‘Tobacts’, an ancient Greek name for Misrata.
Misrata’s media however, has not been able yet to leave the revolution behind since the bulk of the two channels’ programs highlights the tragedies of the city and the struggle against the military machine of Gaddafi’s regime. They also have not demonstrated a clear interest in sensitive Libyan issues whether at the levels of news coverage or news analysis.
For example, the assassination of the U.S. ambassador in Benghazi has not been given an ample share of commentary or analysis; rather, the two channels focus on issues relevant to Misrata, which is evident in the semi-permanent coverage of the assassination of Umran Shaaban, who arrested Gaddafi in Sirte, in Bani Walid city.
Legal protection for journalists
Although Article 14 of the “Temporary Constitutional Declaration” provides for freedom of press and media, the detailed laws have not been enacted.
Libyan Journalists undergo many pressures and risks under a central government incapable of imposing its authority. Perhaps the most prominent of these risks are kidnapping, torture and even murder, often by armed groups – whether pro-former regime or pro-revolution – that do not want their illegal and security violations revealed.
Supreme Media Council
The election of the Supreme Media Council (SMC) was under difficult circumstances after an attempt to thwart it by the council appointed by a decision of the former “National Transitional Council”.
However, the action mechanisms of the SMC are not clear after six months of the election. It has announced neither detailed future plans, nor attitudes towards what is happening, nor vision of what is to come. It is, as some said, stillborn.
What’s next?
Under the state’s weakness and fluidity, the dominance of weapons upon political decision; rejecting of the other opinion because of creed, city, or interest; and the absence of a political project that embraces everybody, the question about the identity of the Libyan media is still unanswerable.
