The General National Congress (GNC) showed flexibility when it elected prime minister, Ali Zeidan, on October 30^th, even though its members had reservations about 14 ministers—due to obscure financial statements or suspicion of former regime ties.

On the same day, gunmen broke into the GNC headquarters, objecting to some of Zeidan’s ministers, most notably the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ali Aujali, who was, under Mubarak, an ambassador to the United States.  This forced the GNC to adjourn the endorsement session to Wednesday, 31 October.

The General National Congress (GNC) showed flexibility when it elected prime minister, Ali Zeidan, on October 30^th, even though its members had reservations about 14 ministers—due to obscure financial statements or suspicion of former regime ties.

On the same day, gunmen broke into the GNC headquarters, objecting to some of Zeidan’s ministers, most notably the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ali Aujali, who was, under Mubarak, an ambassador to the United States.  This forced the GNC to adjourn the endorsement session to Wednesday, 31 October.

After approving Zeidan’s election with 105 votes out of the 132 members who attended the session, the GNC security apparatus exchanged fire with gunmen from several areas surrounding Tripoli, who surrounded the headquarters in protest against the government’s formation, which they described as ‘a government of remnants’. Consequently, the session was adjourned and members walked out.

Arms or democracy?

Former Al-Jazeera journalist, Ismail Gritli, believes that armed groups of rebels have not yet realized that after the elections of July 7, Libya entered into a real phase of political functioning, through the GNCs legitimacy.  The objection to the government formation, he says, should be through peaceful means of demonstrations and protests to pressure the GNC members.

Gritli says that the Commission of Integrity and Patriotism (CIP) has declared that it would examine the resumes of Zeidan’s ministers and publish the results within a few weeks.

Gritli called on the protesters to step back and negotiate with Zeidan in ways commensurate with the democratic transformation experienced by Libya, criticizing, at the same time, the use of force by former fighters, which should be only owned by the state through an elected authority.

From competition to agreement

Head of the political bureau of the Justice and Construction Party (JCP), Emad Elbannani, considers that the state of restlessness witnessed in Libya is a result of the failure of the formal political forces and elites to realize stability, which has led informal political forces that own arms and money to try to rearrange the balance of power away from the formal authority.

Elbannani explains that the failure of the formal institutions to realize needed balance into the second year of the revolution will lead the street to deal strictly and cruelly with those in charge and thus increase tensions. “Political leaders are required to realize as many interests as possible in record time with great efficiency, and move from political competition to agreement, which is unavailable within existing political leaderships,” he added.

Elbannani attributed Zeidan’s stumble in forming the government to his adoption of quotas among formal political forces, “ignoring informal agencies that have money and arms, whether they belong the rebels or groups loyal to the former regime,” he said.

Zeidan, said Elbannani, “should have considered quotas rather than adopted it, by combining the parties of the political equation, whether formal or informal, to reach an understanding, and that he should have distributed the authority seats to “the new players” and given attention to the rebels.

General confusion

Zeidan’s Minister of Justice, Salah Marghani, believes that the new government has been approved by the majority of the GNC and that the CIP Law stipulates that the file of anyone who assumes a public or sovereign post should be presented to CIP; therefore, objection to the government or threatening of using arms is unjustified.

Marghani says it is not possible to have a general consensus in a democratic system and that governments are formed and parliaments are elected with the approval of the majority only. However, due to the new democratic experience in Libya and the existence of political forces that do not deal with a democratic process, there has been “general confusion.”

Marghani attributed the objection to the new formation to the political conflict for narrow interests, which will have adverse impacts on economy, social peace and security.

He warned the rebels that they would confront the street in case its demands were not placed under a legitimate framework, free of arms and in case the political map developed in accordance with the constitutional declaration was not approved. He however expected that the leaders of the rebels would enjoy a great sense of responsibility vis-à-vis national matters.

Anger

Ramadan Bin Taher, sociology professor at the Omar Al- Mukhtar University, notes that the revolution has not brought down all the members of the former regime due to the National Transitional Council and the GNC’s containment policies of such figures, which has angered the street and groups of the rebels.

According to Bin Taher, this might lead violent reactions if the GNC refuses to break its relation to these figures, considering that the revolution also started with violence as a reaction.

He suggests that the lack of civil and political culture among Libyans would cause fueling since no decision would be made without violence objections, to the contrary of the situation under the former regime.

Political deadlock

Muhammad Zarrog, a GNC member, says that Zeidan, through insisting on choosing ministers who are supporters of the former regime, has made the political process reach this dead end.

He suggests that Zeidan has depended on the consensus among political groups on his person, ignoring the reservations made by the street, the rebels and the GNC against his formation.

Zarrog also alludes to the Minister of Awqaf, whom has been nominated by the National Front Alliance (NFA) and chosen to form a front against the conservative Salafist Dar Al-Ifta, insisting that NFA is keen to control the ministries “related to the spiritual, intellectual and cultural life” in order to create “crises incommensurate with the fragility of the state and the liquidity of its institutions.”

Zeidan’s government formation, according to his statements to various media outlets, has ensured the participation of all political groups, explaining that NFA and JCP have five ministerial portfolios each, and the National Front Party has two ministerial portfolios, while the sovereign ministerial portfolios have been given to independents, whose ministries will be under his direct supervision.