Chawki Tabib, Head of the National Anti-Corruption Authority, speaks to Correspondents about widespread corruption in Tunisia, which costs the country an estimated 70,000 jobs and the loss of four economic points on a yearly basis.
Chawki Tabib, the Tunisian people revolted against the corruption of Ben Ali’s regime, but what happened after five years of fighting corruption?
Unfortunately, corruption in Tunisia is rampant. If things continue as they are, Tunisia will become a mafia state.
Chawki Tabib, Head of the National Anti-Corruption Authority, speaks to Correspondents about widespread corruption in Tunisia, which costs the country an estimated 70,000 jobs and the loss of four economic points on a yearly basis.
Chawki Tabib, the Tunisian people revolted against the corruption of Ben Ali’s regime, but what happened after five years of fighting corruption?
Unfortunately, corruption in Tunisia is rampant. If things continue as they are, Tunisia will become a mafia state.
All national and international reports show that corruption in Tunisia increased dramatically after the revolution and Tunisia was ranked 76 among 168 countries on the Corruption Perceptions Index for 2015 by Transparency International, i.e. it dropped three ranks compared to 2014.
In addition, economic indicators suggest that this phenomenon is on the rise. When the illegal parallel economy represents 52% of the total economy, this undoubtedly reflects a growing plague, which was fed after the revolution by smuggling.
Were certain political factions involved in supporting corruption after the revolution?
There were vacancies in the corruption system after the revolution – they were filled by people who were in power or outside it, which was a natural result of not dismantling the corruption system after the revolution.
The state apparatuses and institutions were weakened and violated after the revolution, on the pretext of prosecuting corrupted officials and holding them accountable. However, that only led to reinforcing corruption.
Was the former governments’ weak performance in terms of fighting corruption due to inability or collusion?
I do not want to judge the people’s intentions as there is a very important thing to be considered, the fact that all former governments were interim ones with other priorities such as strengthening state institutions, combating terrorism, tackling the difficult economic and social situation and many others.
To be fair, all these details should be taken into consideration. However, there are definitely people who colluded with corruption as there were critical decisions to be made but nothing happened.
What about the current situation? Is your authority independent enough to prosecute all without fear of taking sides?
Legally, the authority is independent, as the law according to which it was established provides for this, but in reality things are different. The authority takes its budget from the Prime Ministry and, thus, it is not totally independent.
Since the authority’s establishment three years ago, the government provided it with small budgets in an attempt to limit its activity, which requires bigger budgets.
Regardless of financial matters, are state institutions cooperating adequately with an authority whose function is to investigate corruption files?
Three months after my appointment, I can say their cooperation is poor. However, I made efforts to convince the government that the authority should be provided with financial, logistical and human support.
What about the parliament’s cooperation?
The situation is the same on the legislative level. I believe that there is a kind of procrastination and delay in issuing legislation which activates the Constitution’s articles related to the anti-corruption authority, such as the law of protecting informers, the law of illegitimate gains and conflicting interests and the law of disclosing one’s possessions.
How do you describe the absence of the government and the parliament’s support, which is needed to activate the authority’s work?
Of course, all of that makes us feel that there is no strong will to fight corruption, despite the serious repercussions of its spread in the country.
What will the authority do in light of such a difficult situation?
The authority will continue working despite all these conditions, through finding alternative solutions, including getting support from international organizations and civil society. As for the government’s support, it will prove controversial. However, we do not have a choice but to work even with limited support.
How many corruption cases are the authorities processing right now?
There are currently 9,000 cases, which are classified, as some of them are not relevant to our area of specialty since they are not related to corruption.
We have classified 2,600 cases till now. Some are serious and under investigation while others are referred to justice with strong evidence.
Furthermore, we have other tasks, including the establishment of a database, in addition to a center for studies and documentation. We are currently working on awareness-raising campaigns on fighting corruption. We are also working on opening branches in various Tunisian governorates.
Have you received any threats due to your sensitive position?
No, I have not received any threats and the Ministry of Interior has taken measures to protect me.
Are you afraid of certain files?
I am not afraid for my personal safety. However, there are sensitive corruption files, which are related to public bargains which affect officials in power. However, this does not make them immune and will not make me give up fighting corruption.
What are the sectors most involved in corruption cases?
About 25% of the corruption cases in Tunisia are related to public bargains, which has major impacts on the country’s economy and the state budget in general.
How much do you estimate the annual losses due to corruption?
Corruption consumes the Tunisian economy and costs Tunisia the loss of four points of annual economic growth, accompanied by the loss of over 70,000 job opportunities.
