Vice-President of Tunisia’s parliament Abdel Fattah Mourou describes his country’s political and economic situation as worrying. He doubts President Beji Caid Essebsi’s ability to bring about dialogue and he paints a relatively bleak picture about the government’s future.

Vice-president Mourou, will you run for the presidency of Ennahda in the coming congress? And did Rached Ghannouchi reconsider his position?

Vice-President of Tunisia’s parliament Abdel Fattah Mourou describes his country’s political and economic situation as worrying. He doubts President Beji Caid Essebsi’s ability to bring about dialogue and he paints a relatively bleak picture about the government’s future.

Vice-president Mourou, will you run for the presidency of Ennahda in the coming congress? And did Rached Ghannouchi reconsider his position?

To tell you the truth, I do not wish and have no will to run for this post. In regards to Ghannouchi, he is reconsidering his final position because his refusal to run was met with opposition from within as well as outside the movement. Therefore, it seems that he will reconsider his position and take a conclusive one.

Are there any changes in the political line of the movement during the coming period?

We are planning to transform Ennahda Movement into a Party in the fullest sense of the word in order to assume responsibility for the coming phase, develop its institutions, have clear missions and political objectives and include new figures as well as cadres.

Does that mean that the movement will abandon its preaching aspect and focus on the partisan one?

It is indisputable that the current situation requires such a measure.  As for the leaders of the movement, the separation between the religious and partisan aspects will not prevent them from carrying out their preaching duties outside the framework of the party but within a declared and acknowledged legal framework since the overlapping of tasks is problematic.

The preaching mission is continuous and permanent while the political is a circumstantial job that is influenced by the fluctuations of the situation. We may be the leading party of the government today, but the situation may change later. Hence, the combination between the religious and partisan aspects is meaningless and problematic especially since we tried this in the early 1990s when Ben Ali’s regime and Ennahda closed mosques and the bilateral aspect of the movement. We became characterized with a prominent political character related to governance and this requires us to develop our mechanisms.

Was the situation in Egypt and the fate of the Muslim Brotherhood influential in shaping such choice?

There is no doubt about it. The situation in Egypt had a significant impact on our choices and orientation towards pushing the national reconciliation to avoid bloody confrontations in Tunisia. Therefore, the movement waived numerous eligibilities for the benefit of the national interest. Our concern is mainly to become a party.

Ennahda has strong relationships in the Libyan interior. Does it intervene to mediate? And how would you evaluate the Tunisia’s official role in the Libyan issue?

Tunisians in general and Ennahda in particular are concerned with the security and stability in Libya, but we do not interfere and we are not taking sides. In any case, our official position in Libya witnessed some tension and instability during the last period since it was biased. However, Tunisia’s current position is clear and unbiased. It is true that Morocco plays a role in the Libyan dialogue, but Tunisia may play a future role in organizing an aspect of the Libyan national dialogue.

How do you assess the general situation in the country?

Honestly, the situation is worrying at both the economic and social levels, as it witnesses consecutive strikes and urgent unfair requirements that distinguish Tunisia from the rest of the world, since there is no similar pattern either regionally or internationally.  Additionally, we are in a constituent status that does not endure such pressure and demands. The crisis is currently escalating under these urgent demands as ‘each bites the hand of community to inflict pain’ and constitutes a pressure to achieve its purpose.

It is indisputable that the social situation has escalated, but the vital interests of the state must not be interrupted since such fluctuations are aimed at destroying the government and bringing down its structure. I am concerned, in fact, that the situation will escalate much further should we not find any reasonable parties that might prevent the deterioration of the situation that could lead us in a short period of time to undesired consequences.

How would you evaluate the government’s performance?

The social situation is affecting the political one. The government has found itself before several conflicts and exhausting demands and did not find time to prepare a long-term, medium or short-term solutions. The government is required to address these demands and it seems to me that the government does not constitute an integrated unit since there are people who work independently, as if they are not part of the government, which is a very serious issue if it persists and it will end up in disintegration. The gravity of the situation warns against a great setback in three months if a social solution has not been found.

Do you believe that the alliance (Nidaa Tounes, Ennahda, Free National and Afaq Tounes) will last during this phase?

The governmental coalition is an alliance that does not have identified agendas or objectives. It was an alliance of silence for the benefit of the delicate nature of the situation. Some parties have conflicts where their members have internal disputes. The involved parties of the alliance and its objectives must be determined to reveal those who oppose or support it which is to reveal the entity responsible for its implementation.

Was the parliament stripped of its weight which has currently shifted to the Presidency?

We hoped for an actual leader of the country who would prevent the escalation of the situation. There is no pressure force in the political arena currently. The Parliament did not abandon its constitutional duties, but the situation quickly demands the production of laws.

However, the Parliament is unable to respond at the desired speed for the short time provided – poor potentials, the complexity of its duties and the accumulation of draft bills, laws and decrees that have yet not been passed. The Parliament is trying to meet its duties, but its outcomes are low in comparison to the requirements of the current phase.

How would you evaluate the performance of President Beji Caid Essebsi?

The Presidency of the Republic is a literary and reconciliation reference. If the assigned executive functions were dropped, the President of the Republic could fill the gap by initiatives that would help the national reconciliation. This has not taken place yet which is surprising although we are in need of a reconciliation authority that invites everyone to sit around the table of dialogue.

Does the leader of Ennahda Rached Ghannouchi perform this role?

Ghannouchi works at the level of his party and reaches out to all political entities, but his efforts are fruitless unless they are met with favorable response by all. Currently, however, the response does not exceed the legal side.

The relationship between the legislative and judiciary authorities were marred with tension during this period. Do not you believe that this would result in deep dispute between the two authorities?

I do not think that there is a rivalry between the two authorities, as each works separately. The Parliament members represent the people and issue their decisions away from the pressure.

If we were to talk about a conflict, it would be in the framework of one authority trying to extend its hegemony over the other, while in the democratic system there is no such thing – and there is no democracy without one authority monitoring the performance of the other.  Any change in the powers of any authority will be gradually considered and if the judicial authority believes that its demands have not been met, it has the time to convince the rest of the parties of its rightful demands.