The young Prime Minister Mahdi Jumaa, often seen with a calm smile on his face— in a country where officials rarely smile— has managed to make alliances with almost all factions in the current interim government, only 100 days since becoming prime minister.

Still, neither Jumaa, former Minister of Industry, nor any of his ministers, will be nominated by Ennahda, as their party has said it would choose a candidate outside of the movement, to show its commitment to non-partisanship.

The young Prime Minister Mahdi Jumaa, often seen with a calm smile on his face— in a country where officials rarely smile— has managed to make alliances with almost all factions in the current interim government, only 100 days since becoming prime minister.

Still, neither Jumaa, former Minister of Industry, nor any of his ministers, will be nominated by Ennahda, as their party has said it would choose a candidate outside of the movement, to show its commitment to non-partisanship.

In a Correspondents interview published last week, head of Ennahda, Rachid Ghannouchi said one goal of Ennahda “is to reach the elections and to implement them this year in a democratic, fair, all-inclusive way, approved by everybody.”

Jumaa has taken note of Ennahda’s new line and he has become a de facto neutral element from a party that was in desperate need of a face lift— considering the country plunged into a crisis in an Ennahda-led government.  

The Jumaa surprise

As soon as the national dialogue named Jumaa interim prime minister replacing Ali Larayedh, Ennahda leaders especially Rashid Ghannouci, could not stop singing Jumaa’s praises.

During the national dialogue and the difficult and prolonged consultations between the different political parties aimed at bringing the country out of its crisis, the name of Mehdi Jumaa was not among those suggested or recommended by the different parties. It came as a “surprise” and it was only suggested in the last meters of the national dialogue.

The “surprise” was prepared by the Ennahda Movement for its rivals— Jumaa was Ennahda’s trump card. 

Publicly, Jumaa does not seem as indebted to the Ennahda Movement. In a very short period of time, he has been able to fortify his government against political polarization, keep a safe distance between himself and the various parties, including Ennhada, and to keep them all on an equal footing.

The political impact of the shock

In his first public appearance, the new prime minister did not try to impress his audience nor did he try to be courteous.  He was frank and clear and he didn’t embellish realities or be overly courteous. Instead, he opted for the shock policy. With an alarming frankness, Jumaa revealed the depth of the crisis witnessed by the country, especially at the economic level.

In revealing the shocking truth, he did not sound harsh or desperate. He tried to keep his calmness and his reassuring smile but at the same time he didn’t offer promises.

Always a diplomat

Still, Jumaa spared no effort in trying to ease the economic crisis. A few days after becoming prime minister, Jumaa made shuttle visits to the Gulf and the Arab Maghreb countries and then travelled to the United States, where he received a warm welcome. A few days later he was off to France.

His diplomatic activities, dominated by the economic concerns, and his search for financial support and foreign investment, quickly sparked controversy among political parties. Others supported it and considered it a new diplomacy that could save the national economy. In the view of the media, it was reflected as a kind of begging and a waste of national pride.

Upon his return from France, Jumaa vehemently rejected the notion that the aim of his visits to various countries was to beg and seek the help of others. Instead, Jumaa said the diplomatic visits came in the context of reassuring partners and friends and to market a stable and secure image of Tunisia abroad.

On that recent visit to Paris, moving freely and without any complicated formal protocols, checking on the conditions of the Tunisian community there, riding the metro and having lunch in a public place which sells the famous Tunisian Fricasse food of Tunisian-Jewish origin, had a clear message from Jumaa to the Tunisian people and the Jewish community: ‘I am is capable of containing the crisis raised in Tunisia on the Israeli tourists’ visit to Tunisia on the occasion of the pilgrimage to the synagogue in Djerba.‘

The economic fix

Jumaa’s opponents say he ought to stop using “disaster threats” in order to implement unfair policies that harm the people—the government has previously said that if the crisis continues it will not be able to pay its employees’ salaries.

Despite having won the confidence of Tunisians, in light of difficult economic and social conditions, a number of political parties have started to count Jumaa’s mistakes, record them and instigate crises within his government. One example was the recent Israeli tourist crisis, which involved issuing visas to Israelis on a Jewish pilgrimage on the island of Djerba.

Jumaa ignores Carthage Palace

The relations between the prime minister and the interim president could be best described as frigid. Despite the critical phase in the country, public opinion in Tunisia has not witnessed any real interaction between Jumaa and Moncef Marzouki.

In the past three months, Jumaa and Marzouki have only met a handful of times in official meetings. It appears as if there is no coordination whatsoever in the administration of the country’s affairs between Carthage Palace and the Kasaba Palace and that there is no consensus amongst the top hierarchy of power.

President Moncef Marzouki’s relations with the last three prime ministers has not been goo: his relationship to Hamadi Jabali was characterized by estrangement; with Ali Larayedh, relations improved but then worsened again; with Jumaa, Marziuki was again in frosty relationship.

Everyone’s friend   

Jumaa’s ease in getting alone with everyone, despite having a strong presence and respect amongst the people may have aroused Morzouki’s jealousy, especially since Marzouki failed in creating such an image for himself and instead encouraged a culture of parody and sarcasm in reference to his personality.

Up until today, ministers in Jumaa’s government still have yet to meet with President Marzouki, with the exception of the interior, defense and culture ministers.  Observers of public affairs in Tunisia believe that members of Jumaa’s government might have been instructed not to have such meetings, in order to avoid any interference in the powers and not to fall into the trap of political polarization.

Is it possible for Jumaa to resist the might of power?  Definitely not! Despite lacking political experience, Jumaa insists on saving his country from the difficult economic situation and the culmination of the critical transitional phase through fair and transparent elections.