The political crisis in Tunisia has finally started to improve, since the endorsement of the Constitution and the formation of a new independent government, in consensus with various political parties. The Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) and its Secretary-General Houcine Abassi have played a critical role in this breakthrough.

Abassi was considered such an influential figure in Tunisia, that some political parties encouraged him to run for the office of prime minister, but he declined.

The political crisis in Tunisia has finally started to improve, since the endorsement of the Constitution and the formation of a new independent government, in consensus with various political parties. The Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) and its Secretary-General Houcine Abassi have played a critical role in this breakthrough.

Abassi was considered such an influential figure in Tunisia, that some political parties encouraged him to run for the office of prime minister, but he declined.

Houcine Abassi, why did the UGTT choose to take the risk and offer to manage the national dialogue, when the union could have failed and lost credibility?

We were not the only actors in the dialogue. True, it was the UGTT, which launched the national dialogue initiative, right after the assassination of Mohamed Brahmi, but we were not alone in addressing the matter after the initiative.

We searched for other partners and I believe that we could not find better than the Tunisian Union of Industry and Commerce (UTICA) – a social party that has a weight in the country – and the National Bar Association (ONAT), which was always supportive of the UGTT and the people who actively participated in the revolution. Moreover, we ran the dialogue in participation with the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH) which is known for its struggle and independence since its inception.

We launched this initiative and engaged other national organizations. We spent months in dialogue with all political parties and those who had major conflicting demands. Two months later, we persuaded those parties to seriously engage in negotiations and each party was ready to make compromises. Eventually, we came up with a roadmap to solve the current political crisis.

The UGTT was aware of the danger of violence even before Chokri Belaid was murdered in February 2013 and of its negative impacts on the country and the revolution’s gains. Therefore, we convinced the political parties of the need to reach a consensus and together fight the looming danger of terrorism.

The Ennahda Movement refused to participate in the first dialogue initiative, but finally relented. Do you believe that had it from the beginning, the result of the national dialogue would have been better?

Following the October 23 elections, we noticed serious slips. Political conflicts intensified and parties that had won in the elections became enthusiastic and started to think that they would run the state alone, which created many problems.

In the first dialogue initiative, we invited both the ruling parties and the opposition to find solutions to these issues. We had an exploratory and preventive view of what was about to happen, which actually happened later.

We called for a first round of dialogue. Some parties attended, but others declined, such as Ennahda, which initially refused, in addition to its Troika partner, the Congress for the Republic Party (CPR) which also refused to participate.

In spite of that, we issued a statement calling upon all parties to engage in the national dialogue. We spent months trying to convince them and finally Ennahda approved to participate in the second round.

We expected the magnitude of the looming risks even before the first assassination. And when Brahmi was murdered between the two rounds of dialogue, we were sure that terrorism started to penetrate. This is why we expedited the launching of the second round, especially when the situation in Jebel ech Chambi exploded.

Are you satisfied with the dialogue results?

We faced difficulties and obstacles. The greatest challenge though was not to let the dialogue fail and ensure good results. Generally speaking, complete success is not attainable. Success is relative and depends on a continuous course.

It was required to spare the country other slips and risks that could negatively affect an economy with already deteriorated indicators leading to dire social consequences. General security was also affected. The greatest challenge for all parties was to make the remaining transitional period a success and reach the elections.

Do you believe that the Constitution of the Second Republic, which was endorsed a few days ago, is a revolutionary Constitution that responds to the great sacrifices of the Tunisians?

The Constitution was drafted by the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) members whom the people elected. Two hundred members approved it; thus, this Constitution could be but a reflection of the people’s desire expressed in democratic and fair elections.

Like all the constitutions of the world, the Tunisian Constitution might not meet the demands of some people. More importantly though, this Constitution has been drafted consensually and each Tunisian can find himself/herself in it to a certain degree. Only few NCA members have rejected it. This is why we believe that this Constitution lives up to Tunisians’ expectations.

How will the UGTT deal with Mehdi Jomaa’s government, which only has a partial political consensus? Will the UGTT grant it a social truce as requested by the prime minister?

The roadmap based on which this government has been formed stipulates that the government shall be independent and comprised of competent people able to run the next stage well. More importantly, this government should be distant from all political conflicts and keep the same distance from all parties.

The greatest responsibility however rests with the prime minister who has himself chosen his government and should bear the responsibility of his choices.

Should there be any reservations or negative feedbacks regarding the government’s performance, we will announce them under our meticulous follow-up of the course of events and out of our desire to protect the goals for which this government has been formed.

What about the social truce?

It cannot be a complete truce. I am surprised that politicians call for that in public. It is of course natural that all countries and people want a social truce that rejects social tension, but a social truce has conditions, notably not being proposed by political parties. A truce also has basics, controls and goals. Although I am well aware of the economic situation which needs urgent actions, we should also come up with urgent actions to save the social situation.

Therefore, we cannot today have a social truce with no strikes or social demands. Under this high cost of living, union demands are unlikely to stop. The solution is to have negotiations bringing together all parties to discuss reasonable entitlements of workers.

The question remains as to whether those in power are ready to have a social truce under a declined industrial minimum wage, devaluated dinar and skyrocketing prices. Furthermore, there is an intention to phase subsidies out, which is likely to keep the minimum wage unable to meet minimum requirements of life. As a trade union, we can no longer demand the vulnerable and fragile groups to be patient.

Does this mean you refuse to engage in a social truce with the government?

The current living conditions do not allow for a social truce unless we review the wages and the budget law, which wrongs the vulnerable and the middle class. It is unacceptable that we ask workers to sacrifice and bear state deficit while they are the weakest in the country and only live on the minimum living wage at a time when we encourage the rich to become richer.

What is in your opinion the solution?

The social parties represented in the UGTT, UTICA and the government – being a major negotiating actor and a public employer – should sit at the negotiating table.

They have to set economically and socially sound actions, especially the protection of purchasing power. When all efforts are combined, we can talk about the issue of sacrifices, which should be made by all because the revolution broke out calling for a basic demand – social justice and regional balance.

Are you with or against Mehdi Jomaa’s controversial decision to appoint Lotfi Ben Jeddou as the Minister of the Interior?

There has been recently a lot of debate about the formation of this government. The public opinion believes that this formation does not respond to the roadmap and to the request made by the four sponsoring organizations. The roadmap is clear and it states that the government shall be independent and comprised of competent people.

Some parties have not rejected Ben Jeddou because he is a partisan but because he is incompetent. When he was the interior minister under Larayedh, violations were committed and Brahmi was assassinated. Ben Jeddou should be held accountable because although he was warned about the assassination from a foreign intelligence, he did not move a finger.

He said he did not know about it. But the parties objecting now to his appointment believe that his lack of knowledge proves his incompetency and unawareness of what is going on in his ministry. Worse still, when this information was leaked to the media, he neither clarified his position nor did he punish those responsible within the security service.

What are your expectations of Mehdi Jomaa’s government?

As the four sponsoring organizations, we asked Mehdi Jomaa to start from scratch when forming his new government and abandon all former ministers, but he disagreed since it was difficult under such circumstances to change a minister like the minister of the interior.

Eventually, however, he will be held accountable for his choices and we will play our controlling role. We are not going to grant Jomaa’s government a carte blanche and we will monitor the activities of the ministers about whom some have reservations.

If the roadmap is not committed to, we will demand changing of Jeddou. The prime minister has declared his commitment to the roadmap and its terms, notably by providing a social climate that can lead us to fair, transparent and democratic elections. He has also promised to work on restoring security, dissolving the revolution protection leagues (RPLs) which are committing violent acts, and reviweing the appointments, especially those related to elections – governors and mayors.

You have always insisted on disbanding the RPLs. What happened with this issue?

First of all, we are not the only party that insists on breaking up the RPLs. A number of political parties and civil society activists have the same position too since we all have suffered from their violence. And to bring them to an end, the government should investigate their violations and the attorney general should compile a relevant report to be submitted to the Ministry of Justice.

 It is state institutions that are tasked with the protection of the revolution. Given that the prime minister has expressed his commitment to the roadmap, it is essential for him to take the necessary legal actions to put an end to these militia leagues, which are the military wing of certain parties tasked with sabotaging rather than protecting the revolution.