Part 1: Much debate has been raised about Islamist al-Watan party leader Abdel Hakim Belhaj, who was the field commander and head of the military council in Tripoli after the revolution. His record as one of the founders of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and the story of his capture— which he accused American and British intelligence of orchestrating—cast many shadows of ambiguity around his character.

Part 1: Much debate has been raised about Islamist al-Watan party leader Abdel Hakim Belhaj, who was the field commander and head of the military council in Tripoli after the revolution. His record as one of the founders of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and the story of his capture— which he accused American and British intelligence of orchestrating—cast many shadows of ambiguity around his character.

Accusations against Belhaj are not only coming from Libya, but also across borders and reaching neighboring Tunisia, as well as Syria.

Abdel Hakim Belhaj, what do you say about the accusations by the Tunisian media—which provided documented proof from the Tunisian Ministry of the Interior—that you planned and orchestrated terrorist attacks in Tunisia?

Every journalist should seek genuine information. There is no doubt that this is the standard of credible journalism. I hope that journalists are professional in covering stories and facts, and I notice that nowadays there is a crisis in the media.

As for the accusations, there is no doubt that I was surprised, and renounced them with logic and rational. We should resort to reason and logic, keep justice, fairness and equity, in order to ensure that national relations are not circumstantial nor do they depend on interests. It’s a historic relationship of affinity rooted throughout the years.

These accusations do not live up to the level of conviction, and what has been circulated is a paper said to have come out of the Interior Ministry of Tunisia, is a document that I said contains contradictions and fabricated news. This document suggests fake dates, and it pointed out that I was detained in Guantanamo, which is also incorrect. Then they claimed that I entered Tunisia with Zintan rebels along with one of the Bani Walid rebels named Colonel Salem Allwaer. For those who know the geography of Libya and the structure of the rebels, the administrative and regional powers, know that this could not come about.

Why have you postponed your response to the Tunisian media, despite previous accusations, for several months?

I have responded. Many Tunisian newspapers ran interviews with me. I also had telephone encounters on Tunisian satellite channels after the publication of these charges, and we issued a statement to refute the accusations.

The document also pointed out your relationship to Ansar al-Sharia and their leader Abu Al Ayyad, who is said to be living in Libya. How do you comment on this?

From within the contradictions of what has been said is that Belhaj is a key ally of Ennahda’s ruling party in Tunisia. Then there were forged charges that Belhaj is training and arming the Tunisian Ansar al-Sharia in Libya to guide them in launching terrorist attacks in Tunisia. How could I have a close relationship to Ansar al-Sharia, which is fighting the Tunisian government headed by Ennahda?

We continue to emphasize that protecting the security of Tunisia is as important as protecting the security of Libya. Tunisia represents a strategic depth to Libya. When Ras Judeer gate closes, it harms the Libyan citizen. Does it make sense to return the favor in that way to those who stood with us in the February 17 revolution, to state institutions and the Tunisian military forces that are now fighting and its members are getting killed?

Arms shipments that the Transitional Council used to send to the port of Jirjis, were received by the Tunisian National Guard. They paved the way and secured the arms until they reached the Thuhayba port and up to the rebels in the mountain. Does it make sense to support their foes?

Why have you been personally accused and not someone else?

What is clear to me is that there are political conflicts in our sister country Tunisia, and there are those who want to overthrow the Ennahda government so they throw my name in been circulated them at the time. Why haven’t they referred to the pictures then? (Editor: Belhaj is referring to to pictures capturing him together with the leader of the Tunisian Ennahda Movement Rashid Ghannouchi).

What is your relationship to Abu Anas el-Libi?

Abu Anas migrated early from Libya in the late eighties. He joined al-Qaeda and then he specifically walked out in the mid-nineties. Then he moved and lived in Britain. When he was indicted or when his name was mentioned, he was a resident of the UK. British intelligence sat with him and then he left Britain, with the knowledge of the British government.

Secondly, when Abu Anas, came to Libya during the events of February 17 revolution and after the victory, he went to the department of justice, addressed the Attorney General as a citizen of Libya, and told him that his name is on the list of wanted men in America, and he wants to hand himself over to the Libyan authorities to close his file. But the Attorney General replied that he did not receive any request and he told him that he is a Libyan citizen who has full rights.

Abu Anas also went to Libyan intelligence and said to them, literally, that he was ready to be interrogated by the Americans inside Libya, accompanied by Libyan intelligence services. He claimed that he had things to say, and wanted to close the case and live a normal life.

Where did you get all this information? Are there any shortcomings by the Libyan government?

I was a witness to this matter, and I informed the Libyan intelligence. Abu Anas submitted a request through his family and I knew it. I do not know whether the Libyan government has informed the U.S. administration or not. Yes, the government bears part of the blame.

It is true that this weak government has been unable to protect its president, but this does not absolve it from opposing this arrest. The man was kidnapped in front of his house while the U.S. ambassador was giving us lessons on secret prisons and outlaw kidnappings in Libya. We condemn this, but in response to it we also condemn abduction outside the law practiced by America against a Libyan citizen. We should not deal with double standards.

 America arrests suspects of terrorist attacks against it or kills them without the knowledge of weak state authorities, which cannot arrest them on their territories.

I refer here to the fact that Libya is a sovereign state. It has a government, a national congress and there is a fault by the government not to inform the U.S. administration of what Abu Anas al-Libi did. The Americans should have provided a memorandum to the Libyan authorities requesting the man for investigation. There are protocols and agreed upon mechanisms to protect the Libyan government’s sovereignty in front of its people.

If he abandoned al-Qaeda, how can you then explain the appearance of al-Qaeda flags, for the first time in Tripoli to condemn his kidnapping?

There are  voids in the margin, and if the state does not fill them, they will grow wider, and then acts will be exercised that are not subject to the authority of the state. What is required at this particular time is to fill this void.

The appearance of flags and these groups are evidence to the absence of the official establishment embodied in the Ministry of Interior. When we talk about the classification, monitoring and evaluation of who decides which action is legitimate or not then it is the state authorities.