The first and second troika governments were determined to present themselves as clean and transparent revolutionary governments. But some, including Sami Remadi—Chairman of Tunisian Association for Financial Transparency (ATTF)— accuse them, as well as the presidency and the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) of corruption and mismanagement of public money.
The first and second troika governments were determined to present themselves as clean and transparent revolutionary governments. But some, including Sami Remadi—Chairman of Tunisian Association for Financial Transparency (ATTF)— accuse them, as well as the presidency and the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) of corruption and mismanagement of public money.
Two months after Moncef Marzouki assumed power as president Remadi leveled the first accusation of its kind against a Tunisian president for ‘wasting public money’ in reference to the president’s first overseas flight. Remadi also accused senior officials of corruption and mismanagement.
Mr. Remadi, why have you been criticizing the presidency, the government and NCA on your Facebook page?
I believe the three institutions should answer the questions concerning the relationship between the ruler and the people, especially when it comes to mismanagement and corruption.
Can we infer from what you have said that there are cases of financial corruption in post-revolution Tunisia?
Certainly, ATTF has monitored many violations of transparency and equal opportunities, including conclusion and implementation of public contracts without tender announcements, an open violation of the law which stipulates that implementation of state-funded contracts shall be awarded to the best offer.
Violations also include the appointment of public employees in ministries and public departments ‘without national competition’ as provided for by the Civil Service Act. Moreover, nominations and appointments for senior posts are based on loyalties to specific parties. The interim government’s appointment of 12,000 new employees under the ‘families of martyrs and wounded’ category is evidence of manipulation, since the number of the revolution’s martyrs is 300, with only hundreds of wounded.
What you have just said is dangerous. Do you have any proof?
We do not make random accusations. ATTF possesses documents and correspondences proving them, including a letter issued by the prime ministry ordering the chief of a public agency to employ Mr. ‘such and such’, but I prefer not to mention the name.
This ‘pleasing’ policy, in regard to recruitment of employees at public institutions will plunge the country into a crisis and multiply the already heavy wages of 581,000 civil servants, which constitutes more than five per cent of the population, which suggests a crisis.
What are the manifestations of financial corruption and mismanagement?
They are manifested in government members’ violation of the law, and their disrespect, for example, of the legal article requiring senior officials to disclose their property, and the property of their spouses and children. Even the government members who have disclosed their property have disregarded their relatives’ property, which brings their financial integrity into question.
Do you mean you have doubts about the integrity of the financial accounts of the members of government?
Certainly. The biggest evidence about that is their failure to provide a statement of their property, because they present themselves to the Tunisians as poor, while they are in fact wealthy and own companies abroad.
You also criticize the government’s practices and programs.
This government awaits the approaching elections to launch development projects and spend the financial dues of poor families to buy off voters. Use of public funds in the election campaign is one form of financial corruption.
I deplore the existing confusion between membership of the government and of NCA, and regard that as an overlapping of powers and a persistent conflict of interests. The wife of former minister of justice and present political advisor of Ali Laaraydh’s government still accepts and handles cases of interest to the public opinion at her law firm. In addition, some ministers are still engaged in economic and commercial businesses, which bring them into question. Failure to disclose these practices is attributed to corruption caused by calculated loyalties.
You have also accused the National Institute of Statistics of loyalties, why?
Most of the recently published official statistics are questionable, especially those issued by INS, which is subject to calculated loyalties. Our evidence is the contradictions between the statistics and figures Tunisia presented to IMF and those marketed locally, especially those concerned with expected growth rate, unemployment, and inflation. It is shameful that post-revolution government manipulates with these percentages and figures.
What accusations do you have against President Marzouki, and why have you accused him of wasting public money?
Presidential spending has doubled compared to what it was under Ben Ali. The current budget of the presidency is approximately 71 million dinars (about US$ 50 million), i.e. by an increase of around 7% compared to what it was before the revolution, although its current function is a formality. This high budget is primarily intended for funding Marzouki’s upcoming election campaign from public money. I, therefore, consider Marzouki an opportunist because he politically takes advantage of many national files to achieve personal gains.
Can you further explain this aspect?
He, for example, exploited Tunisia’s receipt of the first batch of the looted money. He deliberately obscured the parties directly involved in recovering these funds, especially the Governor of the Central Bank of Tunisia, Chedly Ayari. Marzouki was keen to highlight Qatar’s role in this connection. He also violated the law, which states that the UN attorney shall hand over ‘the instrument of smuggled money’ he received from the Lebanese authorities to the Tunisian Minister of Justice, being officially responsible for this task, instead of the presidency, which directly intervened and politically invested other parties actions by receiving the subject’s instrument. These actions are illogical and unacceptable, and reflect an opportunistic attitude by the interim president.
Marzouki’s action also angered some Swiss officials, especially when he criticized Swiss authorities’ procedures vis-à-vis the recovery of the looted money. In fact, the Swiss authorities, thanks to ATTF intervention, responded favorably with the file of the smuggled money, contrary to some countries. Since the revolution, several parties have exerted efforts to recover the money smuggled by former president, while Marzouki has been busy with his electoral campaigning.
What is your assessment of the size of the stolen money, deposited with European banks?
Around 17 million dinars ($US 10,300,000) are deposited in Swiss bank accountants in addition to over five billion dinars ($US 3 billion) deposited into different European banks. On the other hand, official reports issued by commissions of inquiry say the money smuggled abroad by the former regime leaders is estimated at 112 billion dinars (US $68 billion).
Why have you also accused NCA of looting public money and political exploitation?
NCA has turned into an authority ruining the country, while it has been basically elected to draft the Constitution, which is considered a coup and deception by politicians. Political parties pledged that the NCA term would remain one year, but it is still functioning on the pretext of acting as its own master. Besides, the third draft constitution has cost Tunisians 114 million dinars (US $69,000,000). Furthermore, NCA has manipulated public money and granted its members additional remunerations and privileges, despite the current difficult economic situation.
What is in your opinion the proper way of combating corruption?
The judiciary must be independent rather than governed by the executive, as is the case at present; freedom of press and expression must be ensured; and powers should be separated since it is impossible to combat corruption with overlapping powers.
I believe it is necessary to set-up an anti-corruption body, which the political authority refuses to establish and obstructs the activation of pertinent Decree No. 120, though approved in June 2012.
What are the guarantees that such a body will not fall into corruption as well?
This body must be financially and administratively independent to enable it to function as perfectly as it should be. It must not function under the Ministry of Governance and Corruption Control. In this connection, criticism must also be directed against political authority’s dominance over the Supreme Financial Control Agency. It has violated its self-made pledges, and exposed Tunisia internationally as a consequence of the legal action taken up against former Foreign Minister Rafik Abdessalem, the Ennahda Movement leader Rached Ghannouchi’s son-in-law, for wasting public funds. This case has not been decided, yet due to a lack of independence in the agency’s work.
