Mohamed Abbou, the Secretary General of the Conference for the Republic Party (CPR) previously headed by President Marzouki and part of the troika coalition, resigned from his post because he claims he could not remain loyal to his promises to fight corruption.
He insists that the CPR wouldn’t commit the same mistakes during the coming negotiations, in case it decides to re-enter a ruling coalition.
Mr. Abbou, having participated in the government for six months, how do you assess the troika experiment in Tunisia?
Mohamed Abbou, the Secretary General of the Conference for the Republic Party (CPR) previously headed by President Marzouki and part of the troika coalition, resigned from his post because he claims he could not remain loyal to his promises to fight corruption.
He insists that the CPR wouldn’t commit the same mistakes during the coming negotiations, in case it decides to re-enter a ruling coalition.
Mr. Abbou, having participated in the government for six months, how do you assess the troika experiment in Tunisia?
It can be said it’s relatively successful. However, I believe there is not enough participation in running the state affairs, but this has nothing to do with my resignation.
What do you mean by “not enough participation”?
When we entered the coalition, along with Ennahda Movement and Ettakatol Party, we expected that participation would be at the required level; which didn’t happen because Ennahda Movement couldn’t put its electoral weight aside, so that all the troika participants would be on one ship aiming at success. We agreed from the outset not to engage in premature electoral campaigns and this is the spirit I had when I was in the government, but I don’t know if the other ministers and the troika components have it.
Recently, there has been a discrepancy in attitudes between the president and his party in the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) regarding some issues, including the appointment of the new Central Bank governor who is accused of being loyal to the former regime. Why is there this discrepancy?
The president is in a situation in which it is too difficult for him to run a party because he supervises the running of Tunisians’ affairs on the one hand and tries to seek reconciliation and internal balances on the other. He makes no decision on his own, rather under the ruling coalition and on this basis, the presidential decision to appoint Chedli Ayari as a governor of the Central Bank to succeed Kamal Nabli was issued.
With regard to CPR, it has refused to appoint Ayari due to his positions and roles in the state of tyranny, and we will continue to claim that old files are opened and independency of the Central Bank is maintained.
Don’t you believe there is a contradiction between the assertions of the Ennahda Movement leadership—that there is no room for the return of the former regime supporters and figures— and reality, such as the appointment of Ayari?
The Rally Party figures and the top officials of the state of tyranny don’t hold top positions, and we are certainly against appointing them in such posts as many of them have been excluded; however, some of them are unfortunately still in the Tunisian administration.
The bill to exclude those affiliated with the former president’s party from political life, which has been presented by your party, has faced much criticism, including the violation of human rights. What’s your comment?
We have identified those who are the most dangerous and capable of raising corrupt funds, falsifying elections and paying bribes because they present a threat to democratic life. We have said they should be excluded from political life for 5-10 years, which is not a long period compared to other countries that have witnessed revolutions. We don’t seek revenge; rather, these are precautionary measures so as not to allow tyranny of any form to return.
Some believe that your resignation is a result of the government’s lack of seriousness in addressing corruption files and also of the Ennahda Movement’s autocracy within the troika. Is this true?
It has been established that not all the government’s decisions and steps have been positive, but when I resigned I didn’t talk about mistakes as we expected them and what prompted me to resign wasn’t those reasons; rather, it was essentially the breach of a previous commitment, without which I couldn’t fulfil my obligations towards the people whom I had promised to seriously fight corruption. I’m talking about the existing powers and possibilities. I remember that discussions in this regard started less than a month after I had assumed my position and I distanced myself from the government, but they called me and promised me to grant me the necessary powers, so I came back. However, they retracted, which prompted me to resign to preserve my dignity and credibility.
Why, in your opinion, has the prime minister retracted his promises to grant you powers to fight corruption?
This question should be asked of the party that has retracted its promises and obligations. I only have a few guesses and analyses but I don’t want to talk about them.
Some analysts consider what has recently happened in Sidi Bouzid and other areas of the country as a warning to the troika.
Of course, there is a crisis in internal areas no one can deny and we at CPR said, during our election campaign (the NCA elections in October 2011), that 2012 wouldn’t have final solutions for unemployment but we promised that we would do our best to mitigate it and this is what is happening.
How do you rate the government’s work since coming to power?
What I can assert is that the government is diligent and the ministers are working hard to succeed. There are undoubtedly mistakes, as some ministers have not succeeded in the conduct of the tasks entrusted to them and there is also reluctance in decision making, which I hope the government overcomes.
What do you think of the opposition’s proposal to form a national salvation technocracy away from political pressures?
The problem with the opposition is that it hasn’t presented to us its definition of a technocrat and as far as I know, he is no politician; rather, he is specialized in a specific field and I believe there is great fallacy regarding it. The current ministers enjoy great efficiency that allows them to run the state affairs in addition to their will to conduct radical reforms. The advantage of a political minister is thus his ability to create a new spirit within the administration and I therefore against the idea of a national salvation technocracy.
What are your reservations regarding the opposition performance after the 23 October elections?
Like the government mistakes we have talked about, the opposition has also made mistakes that sometimes prompt citizens to wonder whether or not it seeks public interest. The opposition doesn’t necessarily mean to incite arson and strikes since the obstruction of the government work can’t be the slogan of an opposition under democratic governance and here I say that the next ballot boxes will be the judge.
Don’t you think that the non-specification of a precise date for the next elections raises fears of prolonging the transitional period and creating a religious crisis in Tunisia?
CPR called for the observance of the date of 20 March 2013, which was set by the NCA chairman for elections. Of course, there are difficulties, but we can overcome them through passing the bill of the supreme commission for elections. I also hope that the voter rolls are prepared pending the electoral magazine. In my opinion, if we think in this practical way, we can meet our obligation regarding the elections date, especially since Tunisia’s economic interest requires the expiry of this transitional period.
The talk about the next phase makes us wonder about the nature of the political regime to be adopted, which is expected to raise controversy between the Ennahda Movement and the other political parties. What do you think of that?
CPR’s position is close to that of the other NCA political parties and the experiment has proven that the parliamentary system is not the best for Tunisia since stability can only be achieved under a mixed system where powers are divided between the president and the prime minister.
Finally, don’t you believe that the president should have followed you and resigned to preserve his credibility as well as CPR’s?
Mr. Marzoiki was free to choose between the presidency and the NCA chairmanship or remain the CPR leader. We at CPR have chosen the presidency. True, he has no great power but we are in a parliamentary system and Tunisians of course don’t enjoy sufficient political culture to understand this and hold each party accountable in accordance with the powers assigned by the adopted political system.
