When journalist Shaima Adel travelled to Sudan to cover the protests largely ignored by global media last month, Sudanese intelligence arrested her following her publication of a story about “Martyr Awadiah” in the Egyptian ‘Al-Watan’ newspaper, where she is a correspondent.

What upset the Sudanese regime was the story’s title: “The Story of Awadiah… The Martyr that Sparked Sudan’s Protests: The Story of Khalid Sa’eed is Repeated in Detail in Khartoum and al-Bashir Repeats Mubarak’s Mistakes.”

When journalist Shaima Adel travelled to Sudan to cover the protests largely ignored by global media last month, Sudanese intelligence arrested her following her publication of a story about “Martyr Awadiah” in the Egyptian ‘Al-Watan’ newspaper, where she is a correspondent.

What upset the Sudanese regime was the story’s title: “The Story of Awadiah… The Martyr that Sparked Sudan’s Protests: The Story of Khalid Sa’eed is Repeated in Detail in Khartoum and al-Bashir Repeats Mubarak’s Mistakes.”

She was released through mediation brokered by Egyptian President, Mohamed Morsi, who took her aboard his presidential jet on his return trip to Cairo this past July after attending the African Union summit in Ethiopia.

Ms. Adel, what made you go to Sudan in particular, while there are other hectic areas being focused on by the media day and night?

I went to Sudan for two reasons: first, I did not find sufficient media coverage of what was happening there and I wanted to know what was really going on to convey it to the public; second, Sudan has an Islamic regime, and in Egypt, a president belonging to an Islamic group has come to the power. Therefore, I wanted to have a close watch at the Sudanese experience and learn how relations between the two countries would be.

And how did you see the situation in Sudan?

There are severe restrictions and security harassments against journalists, which pushes some foreign correspondents to seek cunning methods to send their pictured and written materials to their press institutions. These restrictions and blackouts deprive the world of knowing about the real situation in Sudan.

What about the Sudanese media? Does it have any chance to disclose some facts? Or even to criticize the situation in Sudan?

Every word is subject to censorship before publication, and no one dares to say a word against President Omar al-Bashir so much so that some newspapers are no longer issued due to strict censorship. Some newspaper articles are published with incomplete meanings or different from what their editors have basically written.

What about citizen journalism? Does it have an impact or influence?

It has limited impact owing to the repression exercised by the regime against activists and dissidents. There are also the so-called “Electronic Jihad” brigades which break into websites, blogs, and e-mails that publish and exchange pictures, video clips and information about protests or violations committed by al-Bashir’s regime. They also block human rights websites, and electronic anti-regime newspapers and blogs, so that the Sudanese citizens cannot read them. Nevertheless, video clips and pictures taken by citizens constitute an essential source of the press reports published in some Arab and international media about the protests in Sudan, such as the reports broadcast by Al-Arabia and Sky News channels, which were a key driving force for my desire to know what was going on in Egypt’s neighboring country.

How long did you report in Sudan?

One week.

And, how long did you stay in prison?

(Laughing) Two weeks.

Was it because you covered the protests?

During my work in Sudan, I interviewed the opposition leader, Sadiq al-Mahdi, covered a demonstration, and visited the house of martyr Awadiah, a girl made famous after her death at the hands of Sudanese police. I published in ‘Al-Watan’ newspaper a story that roused the wrath of the Sudanese regime because I likened her killing at the hands of the police to that of Khalid Sa’eed here in Egypt. I also mentioned that al-Bashir was repeating the same mistakes made by Mubarak, which roused great anger. Consequently, the Sudanese investigators accused me of a lack of objectivity. They went so far as to say to me, “Basically, you’re not a journalist,” and accused me of attempting to overthrow the regime and training the Sudanese opposition. They also said I went to Germany to get special training, and what made their anger even fiercer was my travel to Syria and Libya. My explanation that I went to Germany to participate in the Berlin Film Festival, all the training I received was concerned with the journalistic profession, and that my travel to Libya and Syria was to cover the events there, was to no avail.

How were the conditions of your incarceration?

They were difficult and inhuman. The lockup was inside a criminal jail, so that others would not know there were political prisoners inside. There, I met many regime opponents. Security treated me like any Sudanese detainee. The prisoners however said the prison authorities were kind to them, because I happened to be among them, as a journalist from another country. Female detention is considered a new thing in the Sudanese community, as I came to know. The maximum measure taken by the Sudanese security would be to call the woman for questioning and then discharge her. But it seems that the protests and Arab revolutions have heightened the ruling regime’s fears and caused it to tighten its security grip.

Speaking about Arab revolutions, is it likely the protests in Sudan may turn into a revolution as  happened in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria?

In my conversation with Sadiq al-Mahdi, I asked him nearly the same question, and his answer was “no”, explaining that “Sudan’s security grip is stronger on its citizens”. The security arrested all opponents within the state when I was there, and even when the Sudanese courts ruled for their acquittal, people coming to congratulate them would be arrested.

Is the judiciary system in Sudan independent, irrespective of the descriptions leveled to the Sudanese regime, like dictatorship and tyranny? And does the security force implement the judicial orders?

I have noticed that there is a dispute between the judiciary and the security system. The courts issue independent rulings, and the security implements these rulings, but it soon re-arrests the activists any time it desires.

Do the Sudanese people secretly support the revolution against al-Bashir’s regime, deterred only by the ferocity of its security forces?

It was striking that broad sectors of citizens reject the protests, the concept of revolution and the overthrow of al-Bashir’s regime. Their justification is “who will rule the country after him”. It is the same logic adopted by some Egyptians when the January 25th revolution against Mubarak happened.

Does this mean that this group of citizens does not have problems that may drive them to voice their anger against the Sudanese regime, openly or even in secret?

There is certainly a state of anger among the people due to the exceptionally high prices, as the prices of some commodities such as meat, vegetables, and fuel may double twice or three times within a few weeks. For example, three months ago, the price of meat, which is a basic dietary staple for the Sudanese, was SDG 14, but it reached SDG 42 when I was there last July. When I left Sudan in mid-July, the tomato price was SDG 15, and by the end of the month it reached SDG 30. This situation makes the life of every citizen very difficult and unbearable.

Don’t the Sudanese regime and its security force see the situation? Don’t they feel people’s wrath, which has begun to explode in the form of protests that might be relatively limited?

Strangely enough, there is recognition of an escalating problem, but the security men say “What can the regime do to solve it?” They also have strange justifications for the demonstrations in some cities, as they keep repeating that media spreads “lies” of what they call “single-man demonstrations”. For example, photographers take a picture or a video clip of a man holding an opposition banner then they direct their cameras towards a group of citizens coming out of mosque after prayer. That’s how they justify what is happening in Sudan.

You said you travelled to Sudan to get acquainted with the Sudanese experience of Islamic government now that a president belonging to the Islamic current has assumed power in Egypt … what are your findings? What are the similarities and differences between the two regimes?

There are no similarities. First, the situation in Egypt has not settled yet; the aspects of an Islamic state are not there, while Sudan has had an Islamic military regime since 1989 when Al-Bashir assumed power in a coup. In Egypt, the president has been elected.

What lessons have you learned from your experience?

It has made me stronger than before. Today, I sat contemplating about my journalistic work during the past five years. I remembered the killing, destruction and ravage that I witnessed in Gaza, Libya and Syria and after my arrest in Sudan, I feel I do not fear anything. I have nothing to worry about except my family. I have learned that in the future I should be more careful and trust nobody at a first glance.

Do you have any advice for your colleagues in similar situations?

They should be aware of the national laws in the countries they visit, especially those regulating the personal and professional rights of foreigners. If they are in conflict areas, they should keep in touch with their employers, every three hours for example.

How was your trip on the presidential plane?

The airhostesses showed extreme care; they almost carried me on their shoulders throughout the journey and it never dawned on me why they were doing so. In the airport, I was amazed to find the scene topsy-turvy welcoming me, especially when two photographers approached and began shooting. You will notice in some of my photos how astonished I was. I used to cover the event, not be the event itself!